Chinese Mandarin -

UPHOLD THE FOUR CARDINAL PRINCIPLES

March 30, 1979

Comrades,

This forum on the principles for the Party's theoretical work has been in
session for some time. With the meeting drawing to an end, the Central
Committee has asked me to set forth a few views on the subject.

I. THE PRESENT SITUATION AND OUR TASKS

This meeting is being held in accordance with a decision of the Third
Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Chinese
Communist Party. That session and the Central Working Conference prior to
it confirmed the important work of the Central Committee since the
smashing of the Gang of Four. Those two meetings decided that the
nationwide mass movement to expose and criticize Lin Biao and the Gang of
Four could be considered successfully completed and that, beginning from
this year, the Party must shift the focus of its work to socialist
modernization. The Third Plenary Session solved a series of major
problems left over from the recent history of the Party in order to rally
the whole Party and army and our people of all nationalities to march
forward towards the grand objective -- the four modernizations. Both
meetings were of great significance in the history of the Party. At this
forum on the principles for theoretical work convened after the Third
Plenary Session, the participants have spoken frankly and put forward a
number of questions deserving our attention and study. On the whole, the
meeting has been fruitful. As I said at the Central Working Conference,
it is essential that we emancipate our minds, use our heads, seek truth
from facts and unite as one and look to the future. We must continue to
follow these principles unswervingly. The important thing now is to go a
step further in popularizing and applying them by proceeding from reality
and linking them closely with the present situation and our tasks.

We need to make an adequate assessment of all aspects of the situation
since the toppling of the Gang of Four, and particularly since the Third
Plenary Session. In the two and a half years since the overthrow of the
Gang, we have destroyed most of its counter-revolutionary political
forces and readjusted and strengthened our leading bodies at various
levels. Leadership in the Party, the government and the army is now
mainly in the hands of cadres worthy of the people's trust, and most of
the work in these three spheres has returned to normal. This is a
momentous, hard-won achievement. We have freed ourselves from the effects
of the decade of turmoil created by Lin Biao and the Gang of Four and
secured a political situation marked by stability and unity; this
situation is both a prerequisite and a guarantee for our socialist
modernization. All of us present here, all members of our Party, and
especially those in leading posts, should treasure this political
situation and lay great stress on preserving it. Stability and unity, of
course, must be based on principle. As regards our ideological and
political orientation, it can be said that through our exposure and
criticism of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four and, in particular, through
our discussions of ideological and theoretical problems at the Central
Working Conference and the Third Plenary Session of the Central Committee
this past winter, we have basically returned to the correct path of
Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, which we mean to follow at all
times. China's economy has taken a turn for the better and production has
been rapidly restored in all sectors. This political and economic
situation has made it possible for the whole Party to begin shifting the
focus of its work to socialist modernization this year. This is a great
turning point in China's history. Although we have been engaged in
socialist construction for many years, we have good reason to consider
this the beginning of a new phase of historical development. Events of
the past three months have proved conclusively that the guiding
principles laid down at the Third Plenary Session are correct and enjoy
the firm support of the whole Party and people. Throughout the country,
stability and unity are being consolidated and a buoyant democratic life
is developing both inside and outside the Party. Our Party's fine
traditions have been largely revived, much progress has been made in
emancipating thinking inside and outside the Party and the work style of
seeking truth from facts is becoming ever more widespread. Furthermore,
the implementation of the Party's policies has aroused the enthusiasm of
millions upon millions of people both inside and outside its ranks, and
in the rural areas the two documents on agriculture adopted at the Third
Plenary Session have been warmly received by the cadres and the masses of
peasants. The victory in our counter-attack waged in self-defence on Viet
Nam has immensely heightened China's prestige in the international
struggle against hegemonism as well as the prestige of the army among our
own people. This counter-attack has demonstrated that our army still
deserves to be called the valiant and battle-tested People's Liberation
Army, and that it remains the Great Wall of defence of our socialist
modernization.

Furthermore, it must be stressed that we have done a lot of diplomatic
work in the past two years and have secured an excellent international
environment for the realization of China's four modernizations. Judging
from the international reaction to our defensive counter-attack on Viet
Nam, we have the genuine sympathy of the vast majority of people. It is
now even clearer to everyone how brilliant and far-sighted was the
strategy of differentiating the three worlds formulated by Comrade Mao
Zedong in the evening of his life. It is also clearer how brilliant and
far-sighted were his policy decisions on this issue, namely, that China
should side with the third-world countries and strengthen its unity with
them, try to win over the second-world countries for a concerted effort
against hegemonism, and establish normal diplomatic relations with the
United States and Japan. This strategic principle and these policies have
been invaluable in rallying the world's people to oppose hegemonism,
changing the world political balance, frustrating the Soviet hegemonists'
arrogant plan to isolate China internationally, improving China's
international environment, and heightening its international prestige.

In short, if we compare the country today with what it was at the time
when Lin Biao and the Gang of Four ran riot, we see that radical changes
have taken place in every respect. Under the correct leadership of the
Central Committee, the Party, the army and the people are once again
filled with confident hope for the future of our great socialist
motherland. Anyone who fails to recognize that is bound to make major
errors.

But at the same time we are confronted with some rather serious
difficulties, and failure to recognize that too will likewise lead to
major errors. First of all, we must make a sober appraisal of our
country's economy, which has long suffered damage from Lin Biao and the
Gang of Four, and reach a common view of the subject. In the past decade
we have failed to rid the economy of the serious imbalances which have
made it impossible to achieve a steady and reliable high rate of growth.
It appears that in the general process of advance, our economy -- that
is, our agriculture, industry, capital construction, transport services,
domestic and foreign trade, and banking and finance -- needs a period of
readjustment in order to change from varying degrees of imbalance to
relative balance. The present readjustment is different from that of the
early 1960s. Being made at a time when the economy is growing, it aims to
lay a solid foundation for the four modernizations. However, it is
necessary to make a partial retreat. Some unrealistically high targets,
which it would do more harm than good to aim at, must be resolutely
lowered, and some ill-managed enterprises which run at a heavy loss must
be consolidated within a certain time span or even temporarily shut down
so that consolidation can be carried out. We must take one step back in
order to take two steps forward. At the same time, in order to achieve
the four modernizations, we must be earnest in solving a variety of
problems related to our economic structure, and this too involves an
extensive and complex readjustment. If we can smoothly carry out our
tasks for 1979, the first year of readjustment, we will have made a big
advance, a good beginning in shifting the focus of our work.

When there are disproportions in the economy, correct readjustment must
be made in order for it to make steady progress; this fact is borne out
by our historical experience in the economic readjustments of the years
immediately following Liberation and of the early 1960s. We must
therefore tell the people throughout China that no headway can be made
unless such a readjustment is carried out, and that while the process is
going on everyone must have full confidence in, and comply with, the
arrangements made by the Party and the government. It should be
recognized that, compared with the readjustment in the early sixties, the
current one has many more conditions in its favour, but that it also
faces some difficulties. During the readjustment of the sixties, the
leadership at all levels and the sense of organization and discipline
both inside and outside the Party were better than now, when there are
certain elements of political and ideological instability. At present the
various localities face the enormous task of clearing away the problems
left behind by Lin Biao and the Gang of Four after their decade of
trouble-making. Their poisonous influence -- reflected particularly in
factionalism and anarchism -- has begun to spread again among a small
section of people, along with doubts about socialism, the dictatorship of
the proletariat, the Party's leadership and Marxism-Leninism and Mao
Zedong Thought. And some of our cadres, faced with entirely new
historical tasks, have not sufficiently freed themselves from old ideas,
nor are they good at studying the new situations and solving the new
problems. Moreover, we are still plagued by the force of habit of the
small producer and by the habits of bureaucracy. It is quite obvious that
under these circumstances extensive readjustment may be accompanied by
small or big disturbances. We can avoid them only if we have strong,
centralized leadership and a strict sense of organization and discipline,
only if we strengthen our efforts to maintain public and political order
and to educate people in this regard, and only if we firmly improve the
style of work in the Party and take further steps to restore its fine
traditions of seeking truth from facts, following the mass line and
working hard. Otherwise, these disturbances could become serious
obstacles to our modernization programme at its very outset. The Central
Committee has now decided to set up a Financial and Economic Commission,
headed by Comrades Chen Yun and Li Xiannian, which will give unified
direction to financial and economic work and to the current readjustment.
The Central Committee, the State Council and the leading bodies in
various localities have taken, and will continue to take, measures to
strengthen public order, consolidate socialist legality and ensure
stability and unity while resolutely promoting democracy. Discipline
inspection commissions have been established by the Central Committee and
local organizations of the Party. Their main task is to help the Central
Committee and the local Party committees to improve their style of work.
We have full confidence in our ability to surmount the temporary
obstacles to our advance and to lead the Party and people to victory in
our modernization drive.

What is our main task at present and for a fairly long time to come? To
put it briefly, it is to carry out the modernization programme. The
destiny of our country and people hinges on its success. Given our
present conditions, it will be precisely by succeeding in the four
modernizations that we will be adhering to Marxism and holding high the
great banner of Mao Zedong Thought. And if we fail to proceed from this
reality and to concentrate on the four modernizations, it will mean that
we are departing from Marxism while indulging in empty talk about it. At
the present time, socialist modernization is of supreme political
importance for us, because it represents the most fundamental interest of
our people. Today every member of the Communist Party and the Communist
Youth League and every patriotic citizen must devote all his energies to
the modernization drive and do all he can to overcome every difficulty
under the unified leadership of the Party and government.

II. THE NECESSITY OF UPHOLDING THE FOUR

CARDINAL PRINCIPLES IN THE DRIVE FOR

THE FOUR MODERNIZATIONS

To achieve the four modernizations and make China a powerful socialist
country before the end of this century will be a gigantic task.

In our democratic revolution, we had to act in accordance with China's
specific situation and follow the path discovered by Comrade Mao Zedong
of encircling the cities from the rural areas. Now, in our national
construction, we must likewise act in accordance with our own situation
and find a Chinese path to modernization.

At least two important features of our situation must be taken into
account in order to carry out the four modernizations in China.

First, we are starting from a weak base. The damage inflicted over a long
period by the forces of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism
reduced China to a state of poverty and backwardness. However, since the
founding of the People's Republic we have achieved signal successes in
economic construction, established a fairly comprehensive industrial
system and trained a body of technical personnel. From Liberation to last
year, the average annual rate of growth in our industry and agriculture
was fairly high by world standards. Nonetheless, because of our low
starting point, China is still one of the world's poor countries. Our
scientific and technological forces are far from adequate. Generally
speaking, we are 20 to 30 years behind the advanced countries in the
development of science and technology. In the past three decades our
economy has gone through reversals. The havoc wrought by Lin Biao and the
Gang of Four in the decade 1966-76 has had particularly grave
consequences. Our present readjustment is aimed precisely at eliminating
those consequences.

Second, we have a large population but not enough arable land. Of China's
population of more than 900 million, 80 per cent are peasants. While
there are advantages to having a large population, there are
disadvantages as well. When production is insufficiently developed, it
poses serious problems with regard to food, education and employment. We
must greatly increase our efforts in family planning; but even if the
population does not grow for a number of years, we will still have a
population problem for a certain period. Our vast territory and rich
natural resources are big assets. But many of these resources have not
yet been surveyed and exploited, so they do not constitute actual means
of production. Despite China's vast territory, the amount of arable land
is limited, and neither this fact nor the fact that we have a large,
mostly peasant population can be easily changed. This is a distinctive
characteristic which we must take into account in carrying out our
modernization programme.

To accomplish modernization of a Chinese type, we must proceed from
China's special characteristics. For example, modern production requires
only a small number of people, while our population is enormous. How
shall we reconcile these two facts? Unless we take all factors into
account, we shall be faced for a long time with the social problem of
insufficient employment. There are many problems in this connection which
Party comrades doing practical and theoretical work must study together.
We can surely find ways of solving these problems. But I am not going to
discuss them today.

What I want to talk about now is ideological and political questions. The
Central Committee maintains that, to carry out China's four
modernizations, we must uphold the Four Cardinal Principles ideologically
and politically. This is the basic prerequisite for achieving
modernization. The four principles are:

1. We must keep to the socialist road.

2. We must uphold the dictatorship of the proletariat.

3. We must uphold the leadership of the Communist Party.

4. We must uphold Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought.

As we all know, far from being new, these Four Cardinal Principles have
long been upheld by our Party. The Central Committee has been adhering to
these principles in all its guidelines and policies adopted since the
smashing of the Gang of Four, and especially since the Third Plenary
Session of the Eleventh Central Committee.

We have criticized, on both a theoretical and a practical level, the
phoney, ultra-Left socialism pushed by the Gang of Four, which boils down
to universal poverty. We have always followed the principles of socialist
public ownership and distribution according to work. We have always
followed the policy of developing socialist economic construction mainly
through self-reliance-supplemented by foreign aid-and through the study
and acquisition of advanced technology from abroad. We have tried to act
in accordance with objective economic laws. In other words, we have
adhered to scientific socialism.

We have smashed the feudal fascism of the Gang of Four, redressed many
injustices, solved many problems left over from the past, consolidated
the dictatorship of the proletariat, and restored and extended socialist
democracy. And particularly since the Third Plenary Session, we have
created a lively political situation of the type Comrade Mao Zedong had
long looked forward to in his lifetime.

We have restored the three major features of the Party's style of work,
which had been trampled upon, improved the system of democratic
centralism in the Party, and reinforced unity throughout the Party and
between the Party and the masses. All this has enormously enhanced the
Party's prestige and strengthened its leadership of the state and society.

We have broken the mental shackles forged by Lin Biao and the Gang of
Four and have insisted that leaders should be regarded as human beings,
not demigods. We have always tried to understand Marxism-Leninism and Mao
Zedong Thought correctly and as an integral, scientific system, and have
always proceeded from reality and sought truth from facts. In other
words, we have restored the original features of Mao Zedong Thought and
defended the eminence of Comrade Mao Zedong as a great figure in the
history of the Chinese revolution and of world revolution.

Nevertheless, the Central Committee believes that today there is still a
tremendous need to stress propaganda on the four principles. This need
continues because some Party comrades have not yet freed themselves from
the evil influence of the ultra-Left ideology of Lin Biao and the Gang of
Four. A handful have gone so far as to spread rumors and calumnies,
attacking the principles and policies adopted by the Central Committee
since the toppling of the Gang of Four and particularly since the Third
Plenary Session as running counter to Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong
Thought. It is necessary to continue emphasizing the Four Cardinal
Principles also because a handful of people in society at large are
spreading ideas which are against them or at least cast doubt on them,
and because individual Party comrades, instead of recognizing the danger
of such ideas, have given them a certain degree of direct or indirect
support. Although the number of such persons both inside and outside the
Party is very small, we must not overlook their impact on that account.
Facts show that they can do great damage to our cause and that they have
already done so. Therefore, it is not enough for us to keep on resolutely
eliminating the pernicious influence of the Gang of Four, helping those
comrades who have been misled by it to come to their senses, and
rebutting the reactionary statements of those who slander the Central
Committee. While continuing to do all these things, we must also struggle
unremittingly against currents of thought which throw doubt on the Four
Cardinal Principles. Both the ultra-Left and Right currents of thought
run counter to Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought and obstruct our
advance towards modernization. We have conducted massive criticism of the
ultra-Left thinking spread by Lin Biao and the Gang of Four (there is no
question that this thinking too is in opposition to the four cardinal
principles, only it is opposition from the "Left"), and we will go on
criticizing it relentlessly. But what I want to emphasize now is
criticism of a trend of thought which is sceptical of, or opposed to, our
Four Cardinal Principles, but which comes from the Right.

First, we must keep to the socialist road. Some people are now openly
saying that socialism in inferior to capitalism. We must demolish this
contention. In the first place, socialism and socialism alone can save
China -- this is the unshakable historical conclusion that the Chinese
people have drawn from their own experience in the 60 years since the May
4th Movement [1919]. Deviate from socialism and China will inevitably
retrogress to semi-feudalism and semi-colonialism. The overwhelming
majority of the Chinese people will never allow such a retrogression. In
the second place, although it is a fact that socialist China lags behind
the developed capitalist countries in its economy, technology and
culture, this is not due to the socialist system but basically to China's
historical development before Liberation; it is the result of imperialism
and feudalism. The socialist revolution has greatly narrowed the gap in
economic development between China and the advanced capitalist countries.
Despite our errors, in the past three decades we have made progress on a
scale which old China could not achieve in hundreds or even thousands of
years. Our economy has attained a fairly high rate of growth. Now that we
have summed up experience and corrected errors, it will undoubtedly
develop more rapidly than the economy of any capitalist country, and the
development will be steady and sustained. Of course, it will take a
considerable period of time for the value of our national output per
capita to catch up with and surpass that of the developed capitalist
countries. In the third place, let's ask: Which is better, the socialist
system or the capitalist system? Of course the socialist system is
better. In certain circumstances, a socialist country may make serious
errors, and even experience such major setbacks as the havoc created by
Lin Biao and the Gang of Four. Naturally, this has its subjective causes,
but basically it is due to influences inherited from the old society with
its long history, influences that cannot be swept away overnight.
Capitalist countries with a long feudal history -- such as Britain,
France, Germany, Japan and Italy -- all experienced major setbacks and
reversals at different times (counter-revolutionary restorations occurred
in Britain and France while Germany, Japan and Italy had periods of
fascist rule). But relying on the socialist system and our own strength,
we toppled Lin Biao and the Gang of Four without too much difficulty and
quickly set our country back on the road to stability, unity and healthy
development. The socialist economy is based on public ownership, and
socialist production is designed to meet the material and cultural needs
of the people to the maximum extent possible -- not to exploit them.
These characteristics of the socialist system make it possible for the
people of our country to share common political, economic and social
ideals and moral standards. All this can never happen in a capitalist
society. There is no way by which capitalism can ever eliminate the
extraction of super-profits by its millionaires or ever get rid of
exploitation, plundering and economic crises. It can never generate
common ideals and moral standards or free itself from appalling crimes,
moral degradation and despair. On the other hand, capitalism already has
a history of several hundred years, and we have to learn from the peoples
of the capitalist countries. We must make use of the science and
technology they have developed and of those elements in their accumulated
knowledge and experience which can be adapted to our use. While we will
import advanced technology and other things useful to us from the
capitalist countries -- selectively and according to plan -- we will
never learn from or import the capitalist system itself, nor anything
repellent or decadent. If the developed capitalist countries were to rid
themselves of the capitalist system, their economy and culture would
certainly make greater progress. That is why the progressive political
forces in the capitalist countries are trying to study and propagate
socialism and are fighting to eliminate the injustices and irrational
phenomena endemic in capitalist society and to carry out socialist
revolution. We should introduce to our people, and particularly to our
youth, whatever is progressive and useful in the capitalist countries,
and we should criticize whatever is reactionary and decadent.

Second, we must uphold the dictatorship of the proletariat. We have
conducted a lot of propaganda explaining that the dictatorship of the
proletariat means socialist democracy for the people, democracy enjoyed
by the workers, peasants, intellectuals and other working people, the
broadest democracy that has ever existed in history. In the past, we did
not practise democracy enough and we made mistakes. Lin Biao and the Gang
of Four, while boosting their so-called ``all-round dictatorship'',
exercised a feudal fascist dictatorship over the people. We have smashed
this dictatorship, which had nothing in common with the dictatorship of
the proletariat but was its diametric opposite. Now we have corrected the
past mistakes and adopted many measures to constantly expand democracy in
the Party and among the people. Without democracy there can be no
socialism and no socialist modernization. Of course, democratization,
like modernization, must advance step by step. The more socialism
develops, the more must democracy develop. This is beyond all doubt.
However, the development of socialist democracy in no way means that we
can dispense with the proletarian dictatorship over forces hostile to
socialism. We are opposed to broadening the scope of class struggle. We
do not believe that there is a bourgeoisie within the Party, nor do we
believe that under the socialist system a bourgeoisie or any other
exploiting class will re-emerge after exploiting classes and the
conditions of exploitation have really been eliminated. But we must
recognize that in our socialist society there are still
counter-revolutionaries, enemy agents, criminals and other bad elements
of all kinds who undermine socialist public order, as well as new
exploiters who engage in corruption, embezzlement, speculation and
profiteering. And we must also recognize that such phenomena cannot be
all eliminated for a long time to come. The struggle against these
individuals is different from the struggle of one class against another,
which occurred in the past (these individuals cannot form a cohesive and
overt class). However, it is still a special form of class struggle or a
special form of the leftover, under socialist conditions, of the class
struggles of past history. It is still necessary to exercise dictatorship
over all these anti-socialist elements, and socialist democracy is
impossible without it. This dictatorship is an internal struggle and in
some cases an international struggle as well; in fact, the two aspects
are inseparable. Therefore, so long as class struggle exists and so long
as imperialism and hegemonism exist, it is inconceivable that the
dictatorial function of the state should wither away, that the standing
army, public security organs, courts and prisons should wither away.
Their existence is not in contradiction with the democratization of the
socialist state, for their correct and effective work ensures, rather
than hampers, such democratization. The fact of the matter is that
socialism cannot be defended or built up without the dictatorship of the
proletariat.

Third, we must uphold the leadership of the Communist Party. Since the
inception of the international communist movement, it has been
demonstrated that its survival is impossible without the political
parties of the proletariat. Moreover, since the October Revolution it has
been clear that without the leadership of a Communist Party, the
socialist revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialist
construction would all be impossible. Lenin said: ``The dictatorship of
the proletariat is a persistent struggle -- bloody and bloodless, violent
and peaceful, military and economic, educational and administrative --
against the forces and traditions of the old society.... Without an iron
party tempered in the struggle, without a party enjoying the confidence
of all that is honest in the given class, without a party capable of
watching and influencing the mood of the masses, it is impossible to
conduct such a struggle successfully.'' This truth enunciated by Lenin
remains valid today. In our country, in the 60 years since the May 4th
Movement, no political party other than the Communist Party of China has
integrated itself with the masses of the working people in the way
described by Lenin. Without the Chinese Communist Party there would be no
socialist new China. The misdeeds of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four
aroused the resolute opposition of the whole Chinese people as well as of
the whole Party precisely because Lin Biao and the Gang cast aside the
Chinese Communist Party, the long-tested leading force that maintains
flesh-and-blood ties with the masses. And if the Party's prestige among
the people throughout the country has been enhanced since the downfall of
the Gang of Four, and particularly since the Third Plenary Session of the
Eleventh Central Committee, it is precisely because the entire nation
pins all its hopes for the future on leadership by the Party. Although
the mass movement of 1976 that culminated in the incident at Tiananmen
Square where the people gathered to mourn Premier Zhou Enlai was not led
by the Party organizationally, it staunchly supported the Party's
leadership and opposed the Gang of Four. The revolutionary consciousness
of the masses in that movement was inseparable from the education given
by the Party over the years, and it was precisely members of the Party
and the Communist Youth League who were the principal activists among
them. Hence we must on no account consider the mass movement at Tiananmen
Square to have been a purely spontaneous one like the May 4th Movement,
which had no connection with Party leadership. In reality, without the
Chinese Communist Party, who would organize the socialist economy,
politics, military affairs and culture of China, and who would organize
the four modernizations? In the China of today we can never dispense with
leadership by the Party and extol the spontaneity of the masses. Party
leadership, of course, is not infallible, and the problem of how the
Party can maintain close links with the masses and exercise correct and
effective leadership is still one that we must seriously study and try to
solve. But this can never be made a pretext for demanding the weakening
or liquidation of the Party's leadership. Our Party has made many errors,
but each time the errors were corrected by relying on the Party
organization, not by discarding it. The present Central Committee is
persistent in promoting democracy in the Party and among the people and
is determined to correct past errors. Under these circumstances, it would
be all the more intolerable to the masses of our people to demand the
liquidation or even the weakening of leadership by the Party. In fact,
bowing to this demand would only lead to anarchism and the disruption and
ruin of the socialist cause. Lin Biao and the Gang of Four, as they put
it, kicked aside the Party committees to ``make revolution'', and it is
clear to all what kind of revolution they made. If today we tried to
achieve democracy by kicking aside the Party committees, isn't it equally
clear what kind of democracy we would produce? In 1966 the Chinese
economy, having gone through a few years of readjustment, was in a
position to develop rapidly. But Lin Biao and the Gang of Four did it
grave damage. Only now, under the leadership of the Central Committee and
of the State Council, has our economy returned to the road of sound
growth. If a handful of people are again allowed to kick aside the Party
committees and make trouble, the four modernizations will vanish into
thin air. This is not an exaggerated statement I am making to scare
people; it is the objective truth corroborated by a wealth of facts.

Fourth, we must uphold Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. One of
the key points of our struggle against Lin Biao and the Gang of Four was
opposition to their falsification, doctoring and fragmenting of
Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. Since the smashing of the Gang,
we have restored the scientific character of Marxism-Leninism and Mao
Zedong Thought and have guided ourselves by them. This is a resounding
victory for the whole Party and people. But a few individuals think
otherwise. Either they openly oppose the basic tenets of
Marxism-Leninism, or else they uphold Marxism-Leninism in word only while
in deed opposing Mao Zedong Thought, which represents the integration of
the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the practice of the Chinese
revolution. We must oppose these erroneous trends of thought. Some
comrades say that we should uphold ``correct Mao Zedong Thought'', but
not ``erroneous Mao Zedong Thought''. This kind of statement is also
wrong. What we consistently take as our guide to action are the basic
tenets of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought or, to put it another
way, the scientific system formed by these tenets. When it comes to
individual theses, neither Marx and Lenin nor Comrade Mao could be immune
from misjudgements of one sort or another. But these do not belong to the
scientific system formed by the basic tenets of Marxism-Leninism and Mao
Zedong Thought.

Now I want to talk at some length about Mao Zedong Thought. China's
anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution went through innumerable
cruel defeats. Was it not Mao Zedong Thought which enabled the Chinese
people -- about a quarter of the world's population -- to find the
correct road for their revolution, achieve nationwide liberation in 1949,
and basically accomplish socialist transformation by 1956? This
succession of splendid victories changed not only China's destiny but the
world situation as well. From the international point of view, Mao Zedong
Thought is inseparably linked with the struggle against hegemonism; and
the practice of hegemonism under the banner of socialism is a most
obvious betrayal of socialist principles on the part of a
Marxist-Leninist party after it has come to power. As I have already
mentioned, in the evening of his life Comrade Mao Zedong formulated the
strategy of differentiating the three worlds and personally ushered in a
new stage in Sino-American and Sino-Japanese relations. By so doing he
created new conditions for the development of the worldwide struggle
against hegemonism and for the future of world politics. While conducting
our modernization programme in the present international environment, we
cannot help recalling Comrade Mao's contributions. Comrade Mao, like any
other man, had his defects and made errors. But how can these errors in
his illustrious life be put on a par with his immortal contributions to
the people? In analysing his defects and errors, we certainly should
recognize his personal responsibility, but what is more important is to
analyse their complicated historical background. That is the only just
and scientific -- that is, Marxist -- way to assess history and
historical figures. Anyone who departs from Marxism on so serious a
question will be censured by the Party and the masses. Isn't that natural?

Mao Zedong Thought has been the banner of the Chinese revolution. It is
and always will be the banner of China's socialist cause and of the
anti-hegemonist cause. In our forward march we will always hold the
banner of Mao Zedong Thought high.

The cause and the thought of Comrade Mao Zedong are not his alone: they
are likewise those of his comrades-in-arms, the Party and the people. His
thought is the crystallization of the experience of the Chinese people's
revolutionary struggle over half a century. The case of Karl Marx was
similar. In his estimation of Marx, Frederick Engels said that it was
only thanks to Marx that the contemporary proletariat became conscious
for the first time of its own position and demands and of the conditions
necessary for its own liberation. Does this mean that history is made by
any one individual? History is made by the people, but this does not
preclude the people from respecting an outstanding individual. Of course,
this respect must not turn into blind worship. No man should be looked
upon as a demigod.

To sum up, in order to achieve the four modernizations we must keep to
the socialist road, uphold the dictatorship of the proletariat, uphold
the leadership of the Communist Party, and uphold Marxism-Leninism and
Mao Zedong Thought. The Central Committee considers that we must now
repeatedly emphasize the necessity of upholding these four cardinal
principles, because certain people (even if only a handful) are
attempting to undermine them. In no way can such attempts be tolerated.
No Party member and, needless to say, no Party ideological or theoretical
worker, must ever waver in the slightest on this basic stand. To
undermine any of the four cardinal principles is to undermine the whole
cause of socialism in China, the whole cause of modernization.

Is the Central Committee making a mountain out of a molehill when it
takes this view of the matter? No, it is not. In the light of current
developments the Party has no choice.

In the recent period a small number of persons have provoked incidents in
some places. Instead of accepting the guidance, advice, and explanations
of leading officials of the Party and government, certain bad elements
have raised sundry demands that cannot be met at present or are
altogether unreasonable. They have provoked or tricked some of the masses
into raiding Party and government organizations, occupying offices,
holding sit-down and hunger strikes and obstructing traffic, thereby
seriously disrupting production, other work and public order.

Moreover, they have raised such sensational slogans as ``Oppose hunger''
and ``Give us human rights'', inciting people to hold demonstrations and
deliberately trying to get foreigners to give worldwide publicity to
their words and deeds. There is a so-called China Human Rights Group
which has gone so far as to put up big-character posters requesting the
President of the United States to ``show concern'' for human rights in
China. Can we permit such an open call for intervention in China's
internal affairs? There is also a so-called Thaw Society which has issued
a declaration openly opposing the dictatorship of the proletariat on the
ground that it ``divides mankind''. Can we tolerate this kind of freedom
of speech which flagrantly contravenes the principles of our Constitution?

In Shanghai there is a so-called Democracy Forum. Some of its members
have slandered Comrade Mao Zedong and put up big counter-revolutionary
posters proclaiming that ``proletarian dictatorship is the source of all
evils'' and that it is necessary to ``resolutely and thoroughly criticize
the Communist Party of China''. They allege that capitalism is better
than socialism and that, therefore, instead of carrying out the four
modernizations China should introduce what they call ``social reform'',
by which they mean that it should turn to capitalism. They publicly
declare that their task is to settle accounts with those whom the Gang of
Four called the capitalist roaders but whom it had failed to deal with.
Some of them have asked to go abroad to seek political asylum, and some
have even made clandestine contact with the Kuomintang secret service,
plotting sabotage.

It is obvious that these people are out to use any and all means to
disrupt our effort to shift the focus of our work to the achievement of
modernization. If we ignored these grave problems, our Party and
government organs at various levels would be so harassed that they would
find it impossible to function. How, then, could we concentrate on the
four modernizations?

It is true that there are very few such incidents and that the
overwhelming majority of our people disapprove of them. Nevertheless,
they merit our serious attention. First, these trouble-makers generally
say they speak in the name of democracy, a claim by which people are
easily misled. Second, taking advantage of social problems left over from
the time when Lin Biao and the Gang of Four held sway, they may deceive
some people who have difficulties which the government cannot help to
clear up at the moment. Third, the trouble-makers have begun to form all
kinds of secret or semi-secret organizations which seek to establish
contact with each other on a nationwide scale and at the same time to
collaborate with political forces in Taiwan and abroad. Fourth, some of
these people work hand in glove with gangster organizations and followers
of the Gang of Four, trying to expand the scope of their sabotage. Fifth,
they do all they can to use as a pretext -- or as a shield -- indiscreet
statements of one sort or another made by some of our comrades. All this
shows that the struggle against these individuals is no simple matter
that can be settled quickly. We must strive to clearly distinguish
between people (many of them innocent young people) and the
counter-revolutionaries and bad elements who have hoodwinked them, and
whom we must deal with sternly and according to law. At the same time, we
must educate comrades throughout the Party about the necessity of
sharpening their vigilance, bearing in mind the interests of the country
as a whole and uniting as one under the leadership of the Central
Committee. We must encourage them to continue the emancipation of their
minds and consistently promote democracy so that they can mobilize all
positive forces while at the same time endeavouring to clear up the
ideological confusion among a small section of the people, especially
young people.

We must make a special effort to explain the question of democracy
clearly to the people, and to our youth in particular. The socialist
road, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the leadership of the
Communist Party and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought -- all these
are tied up with democracy. What kind of democracy do the Chinese people
need today? It can only be socialist democracy, people's democracy, and
not bourgeois democracy, individualist democracy. People's democracy is
inseparable from dictatorship over the enemy and from centralism based on
democracy. We practise democratic centralism, which is the integration of
centralism based on democracy with democracy under the guidance of
centralism. Democratic centralism is an integral part of the socialist
system. Under this system, personal interests must be subordinated to
collective ones, the interests of the part to those of the whole, and
immediate to long-term interests. In other words, limited interests must
be subordinated to overall interests, and minor interests to major ones.
Our advocacy and practice of these principles in no way means that we can
ignore personal, local or immediate interests. In the final analysis,
under the socialist system there is a unity of personal interests and
collective interests, of the interests of the part and those of the
whole, and of immediate and long-term interests. We must adjust the
relations between these various types of interests in accordance with the
principle of taking them all into proper consideration. Were we to do the
opposite and pursue personal, local or immediate interests at the expense
of the others, both sets of interests would inevitably suffer. In the
final analysis, the relations between democracy and centralism and
between rights and duties are the political and legal expressions of the
relations between these diverse interests. This is precisely why Comrade
Mao Zedong said that our aim is to create a political situation in which
we have both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both
unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness. That is the
political situation which exists when there is true socialist democracy
-- the situation we must strive to create today and in the years to come.

We have not propagated and practised democracy enough, and our systems
and institutions leave much to be desired. The constant promotion of
democracy is therefore a firm, long-term Party objective. However, while
propagating democracy, we must strictly distinguish between socialist
democracy on the one hand and bourgeois, individualist democracy on the
other. We must link democracy for the people with dictatorship over the
enemy, and with centralism, legality, discipline and the leadership by
the Communist Party. At present when we are confronted with manifold
difficulties in our economic life which can be overcome only by a series
of readjustments and by consolidation and reorganization, it is
particularly necessary to stress publicly the importance of subordinating
personal interests to collective ones, interests of the part to those of
the whole, and immediate to long-term interests. Only when everyone --
whether inside or outside the Party, in a leading position or among the
rank and file -- is concerned for the overall interests shall we be able
to overcome our difficulties and ensure a bright future for the four
modernizations. Conversely, departure from the four cardinal principles
and talk about democracy in the abstract will inevitably lead to the
unchecked spread of ultra-democracy and anarchism, to the complete
disruption of political stability and unity, and to the total failure of
our modernization programme. If this happens, the decade of struggle
against Lin Biao and the Gang of Four will have been in vain, China will
once again be plunged into chaos, division, retrogression and darkness,
and the Chinese people will be deprived of all hope. This is a matter of
deep concern not only for the Chinese people of whatever nationality but
also for all people abroad who wish to see China strong, and even for
those who merely wish to expand trade with China.

Here I would like to raise the question of standards of social conduct.
Thanks to the correct leadership of the Party and government, these
standards were quite sound in our country for a decade or more after the
founding of the People's Republic. Most of the young people who grew up
under the Party's education had high ideals, ardently loved the socialist
motherland, responded actively to the calls of the Party and government,
defended the people's interests, helped safeguard public order, and
generally displayed a fine spirit of dedication and discipline. This type
of conduct on the part of young people had a good influence on the
conduct of other members of society, and vice versa. And this won the
praise of foreigners as well as of our own people. However, in the decade
of the Cultural Revolution, Lin Biao and the Gang of Four plunged our
Party, government and society into chaos, poisoned the minds of many
young people and did grave damage to socialist moral standards. The
situation has improved considerably since the downfall of the Gang of
Four, but we must not underestimate the residue of their pernicious
influence in certain spheres. The present state of affairs is entirely
incompatible with the requirements of the shift of focus in the Party's
work. We encourage normal contact between Chinese and foreigners, because
it is essential to the growth of understanding and friendship between our
people and other peoples and to the acquisition of foreign technology and
funds. There will be a vast increase in such contact in the future.
However, some unhealthy phenomena have emerged among a small number of
young people, because we have not adequately educated or guided them.
Some young men and women blindly admire the capitalist countries, and
some even show a blatant disregard for both national and personal dignity
in their contact with foreigners. This is a matter requiring our serious
attention. It is imperative that we educate our younger generation, take
effective measures in all spheres to raise the standards of social
conduct and deal sternly with offensive behaviour which seriously lowers
them.

To raise the standards of social conduct, we must first of all improve
the Party's work style, and in particular this requires that leading
Party comrades at all levels set a good example. The Party is a model for
our entire society, and the leading Party comrades at all levels are
models for our entire Party. If the Party organization ignores the views
and interests of the masses, how can it expect to win their trust and
their support for its leadership? If leading cadres in the Party do not
set strict standards for themselves and observe Party discipline and the
laws of the state, how can they be expected to help reform the standards
of social conduct? How can they do so if, in violation of Party
principles, they engage in factionalism, use their positions to obtain
personal privileges, seize advantages through connections or influence,
indulge in extravagance and waste, and seek personal gain at the expense
of the public interest? How can they do so if they fail to share the joys
and sorrows of the masses, refuse to be the first to bear hardships and
the last to enjoy comforts, disobey the decisions of the Party
organization and reject supervision by the masses or even retaliate
against those who criticize them? In the present period of historical
change, when problems have piled up and a thousand things wait to be
done, it is crucial for us to strengthen the leadership of the Party and
correct its work style. Comrade Mao Zedong said: ``Once our Party's style
of work is put completely right, the people all over the country will
learn from our example. Those outside the Party who have the same kind of
bad style will, if they are good and honest people, learn from our
example and correct their mistakes, and thus the whole nation will be
influenced.'' Only if we improve the Party's style of work can the
standards of social conduct be improved and the four cardinal principles
be upheld.

Is anything I have said here out of keeping with the spirit of the Third
Plenary Session of the Party's Eleventh Central Committee? No, everything
I have said relates to measures that must be taken to carry out the
principles and policies laid down at that session. Let me repeat: If we
fail to adopt these measures, these principles and policies will come to
naught. So will our effort to shift the focus of our work, so will our
modernization programme, and so will the promotion of democracy inside
and outside the Party. Therefore, it is entirely wrong to say, as some
have said, that the Central Committee has decided on a ``tightening up''
policy, or that it has changed its policy of promoting democracy. Only by
upholding the four cardinal principles to which our Party has always
adhered, and by firmly correcting the unhealthy tendencies which hamper
the implementation of the principles and policies set forth at the Third
Plenary Session can we advance steadfastly and victoriously towards our
great objective.

III. TASKS OF OUR IDEOLOGICAL AND

THEORETICAL WORKERS

At the forums organized by the Central Committee and the various
provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions to discuss the
principles for the Party's theoretical work, many questions have been
raised. I cannot address them all now. But today I would like to discuss
two matters related to the tasks of our ideological and theoretical
workers. Since I am not thoroughly familiar with the situation, and
particularly with local conditions, I ask you to decide whether what I
say is entirely correct or not.

First, about the requirements of our present ideological and theoretical
work.

Marxist ideological and theoretical work cannot be divorced from current
politics. By politics here I mean the overall situation in the domestic
and international class struggle and the fundamental interests of the
Chinese people and the people of the world in current struggles. It is
inconceivable that anyone can become a Marxist thinker or theorist if he
is divorced from the overall political situation, if he doesn't study it,
if he doesn't assess the actual development of the revolutionary
struggle. If this is not so, what was the point of our devoting more than
six months last year to discussions about practice being the criterion
for testing truth? Scientific socialism develops in the course of actual
struggle, and so do Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. We will not,
of course, backtrack from scientific socialism to utopian socialism, nor
will we allow Marxism to remain arrested at the level of the particular
theses arrived at as long as a century ago. This is why we have often
repeated that it is necessary to emancipate our minds, that is, to study
new situations and solve new problems by applying the basic tenets of
Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought.

What is the most important new problem in the new situation of China
today? It is, of course, the realization of the four modernizations, or
as I said before, the realization of a Chinese type of modernization. We
have said that by studying in depth the new conditions and new problems
encountered in realizing the four modernizations, and by working out
solutions to those problems -- solutions that will serve as guidelines
for our action -- our ideological and theoretical workers will be making
a major contribution to Marxism and a genuine effort to hold high the
banner of Mao Zedong Thought. Of course, this does not imply that we
should neglect to make serious in-depth studies of ideological and
theoretical problems not directly related to the four modernizations. We
must on no account overlook the study of basic theories in philosophy and
the social sciences any more than in the natural sciences, because such
study is indispensable to major advances in all these spheres.

In the second part of my speech, I talked about the four cardinal
principles which we must uphold in order to accomplish the four
modernizations. Although, as I said, these principles are nothing new,
they have taken on fresh significance in the new situation before us, and
so we should make new and convincing expositions of them based on the
wealth of new facts. Only in this way can we educate the people of the
whole country, including our youth, the workers and all the officers and
men of the People's Liberation Army, and convince people abroad who look
to present-day China for the truth. This is a momentous theoretical and
political task, and it certainly cannot be accomplished just by rehashing
the same old arguments copied from a book. It is honourable, creative and
scientific work which places great demands on our revolutionary
theorists. Because of the decade of troubles generated by Lin Biao and
the Gang of Four, so much ideological nonsense has been spread for so
long that people have lost confidence in many cadres and teachers engaged
in political and educational work. This is not the fault of these cadres
and teachers. They too are deeply disturbed, as are many parents, old
workers and veteran fighters. This is another significant circumstance
exploited by the handful of hostile trouble-makers. Our comrades on the
ideological and theoretical front must quickly organize their forces and
draw up plans to fill the vacuum in the shortest possible time by
publishing a series of articles and books, including readers and
textbooks, new in content and ideas and presented in fresh language -- in
other words, works that will carry weight. I suggest that the Propaganda
Department of the Central Committee take charge of this task. I also
suggest that the authors of really good books and articles be awarded
monetary prizes by the Party and government, so that the work in this
sphere, which is seemingly routine but actually very demanding, is given
due recognition.

Realizing the four modernizations is a many-sided, complex and difficult
undertaking. The task of the ideological and theoretical workers cannot
be confined to discussion of the basic principles. We are confronted with
many questions of economic theory, including both basic theory and theory
applied to particular spheres such as industry, agriculture, commerce and
management. Lenin called for more talk about economics and less about
politics. In my opinion, his words are still applicable with regard to
the proportion of effort that should be devoted to theoretical work in
these two spheres. I am not saying, of course, that there are no more
questions to be studied in the political field. For many years we have
neglected the study of political science, law, sociology and world
politics, and now we must hurry to make up our deficiencies in these
subjects. Most of our ideological and theoretical workers should dig into
one or more specialized subjects. All those who can do so should learn
foreign languages, so as to be able to read important foreign works on
the social sciences without difficulty. We have admitted that we lag
behind many countries in our study of the natural sciences. Now we should
admit that we also lag behind in our study of the social sciences,
insofar as they are comparable in China and abroad. Our level is very
low, and for years we haven't even had adequate statistical data in the
social sciences, a lack that is naturally a great obstacle to any serious
study. So our ideological and theoretical workers must make up their
minds to catch up. They must concentrate on specialized fields, carry on
investigations and studies of actual situations, familiarize themselves
thoroughly with their subjects and guard against empty talk. Empty talk
is of no help whatever to our modernization programme. Also, our
ideological and theoretical workers should always guard against
self-satisfaction, narrow-minded conservatism and ignorant boasting,
failings which Comrade Mao Zedong warned us against. Only by admitting
our backwardness can we overcome it. It should be pointed out that the
responsibility for our present state of backwardness lies in the first
place with the Central Committee and the Party committees at other
levels, because they have not used the proper methods in guiding
ideological and theoretical work, have set up too many forbidden zones,
and have failed to give adequate attention or support to such work.
Today, at this meeting, I make this self-criticism on behalf of the
Central Committee. From now on, Party committees at all levels, from the
Central Committee down, will be required to give the correct orientation
to ideological and theoretical work and to recognize its importance. Ours
is a big Marxist party. If we don't stress the study of Marxism, if we
don't advance Marxism in step with the development of practice, how can
we do our other work well? In that case, won't our call to hold high the
banner of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought be so many empty words?

Second, about my views on some theoretical questions.

A lot of questions have been raised in the discussions among theoretical
workers in the last few months. Many of them need continued study. Here I
would like to express my views on a few of the more pressing ones.

1. On the basic contradictions of socialist society and the principal
contradiction in the current period. In regard to basic contradictions, I
think it is still best to put the question the way Comrade Mao Zedong did
in his ``On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People''. He
wrote: ``In socialist society the basic contradictions are still those
between the relations of production and the productive forces and between
the superstructure and the economic base.'' He made a long statement in
this connection which I shall not repeat here. Of course, pointing out
the basic contradictions does not automatically solve the problem, and
deep-going, concrete study is still required. But judging from practice
over the past 20 years or so, Comrade Mao's formulation is more accurate
than others. As for the question of what is the principal contradiction
in the current period -- what is the main issue or central task
confronting the Party and the people in the current period -- actually
this question was answered by the decision of the Third Plenary Session
of the Eleventh Central Committee to shift the focus of our work to
socialist modernization. The level of our productive forces is very low
and is far from meeting the needs of our people and country. This is the
principal contradiction in the current period, and to resolve it is our
central task.

2. On class struggle in socialist society. I touched on this question
earlier when discussing the dictatorship of the proletariat. Class
struggle exists objectively in socialist society. It should be neither
underestimated nor exaggerated. Otherwise, as practice has shown, we
shall make serious mistakes. The problem of whether or not class struggle
of one kind or another always exists throughout the entire historical
period of socialism involves many complicated and difficult questions
both of theory and practice, and they cannot be answered merely by
quoting from books by our predecessors. We should continue to study these
questions. But, to put it briefly, the class struggle in socialist
society at present is, and will continue to be, clearly different from
that in historical class societies. This, too, is an objective fact we
cannot deny if we want to avoid serious mistakes.

3. On continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Practice has proved that this formulation is wrong if it is construed --
as it was when it was advanced -- to mean ``seizing power from the
capitalist roaders'', or making revolution by kicking aside the Party
committees and toppling everything. As for making a new interpretation,
that is something we can continue to study within the Party.

4. On whether there can be further discussion of certain formulations
involving the line of the Party's Eleventh Congress. The Party's line,
like its resolutions, should always be tested in practice. This is a
principle repeatedly expounded by Comrade Mao Zedong. It should never be
said that once a formulation has been adopted by a Party congress, there
can be no further discussion of its correctness. If that were so, how
could new formulations be put forward at a subsequent Party congress? It
often happens that because of a change in the actual situation, the
Central Committee has to amend the resolution of one Party congress
before the next. Owing to the changes in the actual situation and in our
own understanding of it, the line formulated by the Party's Eleventh
Congress underwent necessary readjustment at the successive plenary
sessions of the Central Committee, and particularly at the Third Plenary
Session. Further readjustments may also be required in the future. This
is entirely normal. But according to Party discipline, discussion of
formulations involving the line of the Eleventh Congress (except for
those on which the Central Committee has made formal decisions) should be
confined to appropriate Party meetings.

However, in the study and discussion of ideological and theoretical
questions, we must always resolutely follow the policy of ``letting a
hundred flowers bloom, a hundred schools of thought contend'', the
principle of the ``three don'ts'' (don't pick on others for their faults,
don't put labels on people, and don't use a big stick), and the principle
of emancipating our minds, abandoning blind faith and proceeding from
reality in everything. All this was decided upon by the Third Plenary
Session, and we reaffirm them here. We cannot allow the slightest
deviation from these principles.

Comrades! The current period represents a momentous turning point in the
history of our Party and state. The Party has led the Chinese people in
surmounting the many difficulties created by the Gang of Four and in
transforming a country that had been reduced to chaos into one of order
and rapid progress. The magnificent prospect of the accomplishment of the
four modernizations is inspiring our Party, army and people, and drawing
them forward. Our cadres and masses are vying with one another to
contribute to the realization of this bright future. In this period our
ideological and theoretical workers have a particularly heavy
responsibility. They have scored major successes since the downfall of
the Gang of Four and significant achievements since the Third Plenary
Session. It would be wrong to underestimate their achievements. However,
the situation is developing very rapidly and our work must keep pace with
it. I hope that this important meeting will help the Party's ideological
and theoretical workers to a better understanding of the current
situation and our tasks, of the Party's principles and policies and of
their own work. I hope that it will inspire them to rally more closely
around the Central Committee, and that they in turn, through their
effective work, will inspire the whole people to rally more closely
around the Communist Party. Let us work with one heart and one mind to
firmly implement the principles of the Third Plenary Session of the
Central Committee, to shift the focus of the Party's work and to surmount
all difficulties so as to win great victories in China's four
modernizations.

(A speech at a forum on the principles for the Party's theoretical work.)

Extracted http://www.hellomandarin.net